The murder of three young British girls in Southport, England, in July 2024 prompted Angela Rayner, then Deputy Prime Minister, now Secretary of State for Housing, Communities and Local Government, to announce a £15 million “Community Recovery Fund.” The money was meant to be for areas hit by the riots that followed the stabbing spree, perpetrated by the son of two African asylum seekers. Instead, portions of it reached the Ella Baker School of Organising, a far-left network founded by former Hope Not Hate activists, for training that targeted Nigel Farage, his Reform UK party, and even the establishment Conservatives.
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Where the Money Went.
Rayner launched the fund after the attack in which Axel Rudakubana murdered Alice da Silva Aguiar, Bebe King, and Elsie Dot Stancombe, and wounded several others. In her announcement, she claimed communities had “so quickly came together” and that the money would help them “rebuild.” Guidance limited spending to immediate recovery, preventing further disorder, and bringing people together.
Labour-led municipal governments allocated it differently. Birmingham City Council handed the School of Organising an initial £13,450 for a pilot program called “Defeating narratives of division,” an 11-part lecture series plus a manifesto. Blackpool’s Labour council added £9,000 for a local version. Sessions ran for staff in Sheffield, run by Labour and the even farther-left Greens, Walsall, Solihull, and the Liverpool City Region, including Sefton, which covers Southport. Further sessions were planned, including with a Welsh government-linked youth training body.
The partisan thrust of the training was clear, with an online booking form for Glasgow training stating: “Despite the abject failure of the mainstream democratic parties, there is still time to avert the impending disaster of a Reform UK government.”
Taxpayer-Funded Propaganda.
Documents seen by The Telegraph show the training singled out right-wing politicians, including Farage, Suella Braverman, a former Conservative Cabinet minister who is now a Member of Parliament for Reform, and former Conservative Prime Minister Boris Johnson. It even criticized then-Labour Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer for warning that Britain was becoming an “island of strangers” due to uncontrolled mass migration under the Conservatives, calling the speech “shameful.”
The manifesto called Farage “a classic authoritarian populist” and listed him among figures “undermining democracy.” Lecture material said Reform was “hostile to multiculturalism, hostile to LGBTQ+ rights, opposes ‘woke’ in the classroom, wants out of the European Convention of Human Rights, and will rip up our already limited climate change commitments.”

One lecture warned that “our people (the working classes) are voting Reform UK in the belief that migrants are the problem” and that “toxic forces are asserting a narrative that prioritises the interests of straight, white, men.” It cited the alleged “vulnerability of working class communities to far-Right, alt-Right and Tory-Right narratives of division and blame.” The “far-Right” was defined to include elements of the largely center-left Conservative Party “and beyond.”
Trainees were told to counter “racist narratives,” including the true observation that migrants strain underfunded services and drive down wages. They were instructed to form local groups and recruit “committed activists.” Citing the communist theorist Antonio Gramsci, lectures suggested undermining public beliefs that many asylum seekers are “bogus” or that certain migrant groups fail to assimilate.
Suppressing Anti-Immigration Sentiment.
An entire lecture covered opposing anti-immigration protests through counter-demonstrations, social media, and slogans. Role-playing exercises asked trainees to plan responses in a declining seaside town where local papers had begun reporting petty crimes by migrants and publishing negative editorials about their presence. Another scenario involved a run-down estate with scarce social housing where “racists” argued that council housing should go to British nationals and local people. A third exercise concerned an election in a small town where candidates opposed preferential housing for refugees, falling school standards linked to children with English as a second language, and public grants to ethnic minority groups.
The materials praised Hope Not Hate and also outlined how to pressure a council to call for a Gaza ceasefire by identifying the most useful community figures.
The Group’s Background.
The Ella Baker School of Organising was established by former members of the far-left Hope Not Hate. That organization was reported to the Electoral Commission in June 2026 over alleged campaigning for Labour in the Makerfield by-election. Public funding for the School’s materials came after applications to councils for shares of the Recovery Fund. The fund’s supposed aims were to “reduce the risk of further disorder” after the 2024 riots and “promote cohesion between communities.”
The Broader Pattern.
A government spokesman insisted: “Councils are not permitted to use taxpayers’ money to fund partisan issues or party-political activity. Councils must make sure money is spent in line with their responsibilities, and we have powers in place to recoup money if it is found to have been misspent.” The relevant government department also tried to shift blame by stressing that councils, not the Secretary of State, made the local awards, and that Birmingham and Blackpool chose to give the School of Organising roughly £13,000 and £9,000 respectively.
Nevertheless, training sessions explicitly aimed at stopping working-class communities from moving right on immigration questions, paid for with money allocated after the murder of three girls by the son of two Rwandan asylum seekers admitted to Britain for unclear reasons, raise serious questions about state manipulation of the public discourse and suppression of the public’s legitimate grievances over decades of lax immigration policy.
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Image by Simon Dawson / No 10 Downing Street.
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