The Trump Administration secured a victory in the Supreme Court this week that will allow the government to resume deporting illegal aliens whose countries, for one reason or another, refuse or are unable to take them back. Since President Donald J. Trump took office in January of 2025, over 25,000 illegal aliens have already been deported to third countries, but legal challenges paused the policy in February of this year.

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The pause presented a real problem for the Trump administration in terms of dealing with potentially violent or criminal illegals who could not be sent home because their countries refused to take them back. The administration has described third-country deportations as an important mechanism to remove people who would otherwise have to remain in the United States.

Meaningless Deportation Orders. 

Deportations go through a variety of stages, from warnings and court hearings to the eventual physical removal of those deemed to be in the United States illegally, whether by having entered the country illegally, overstaying a legal visa, or for other reasons, such as committing crimes and having their residency or visa revoked.

Agencies like Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) also require basic information about foreign nationals scheduled for deportation, such as their identities, proven nationality, and more, for the receiving country to accept them back. Sometimes this is done through existing passports and other documents, and sometimes through other means, such as fingerprint databases. In other instances, lawyers and leftist human rights groups argue that a foreign national’s identity cannot be clearly established, or that deportations to certain countries are too dangerous for those being deported.

ICE classifies countries that refuse or delay deportations for their nationals as  “uncooperative” or “recalcitrant,” and under the court case Zadvydas v. Davis (2001), the Supreme Court ruled that migrants waiting for deportation cannot be held indefinitely and that authorities like ICE can generally only hold them for a six-month period. This has led to thousands of illegals subject to deportation orders, including convicted criminals, being released back into the United States.

In 2024 alone, a Government Accountability Office (GAO) report showed that obtaining travel documents was a major obstacle for ICE officials who were trying to facilitate the deportations of certain nationals. 4,768 Vietnamese and 2,496 Laotians that year were awaiting travel documents in order to be properly deported, with many released into the U.S. due to the wait time. India and China, two other countries that are reluctant to take their countrymen back, often took months to process any documents for travel.

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The Countries That Refuse to Take Back Their Nationals.

It may be understandable that countries in the midst of civil war or severe instability, like Libya, are unable to take back their nationals, or can only do so in limited quantities. Countries the U.S. has limited relations with, like North Korea or Afghanistan, are also understandable.

However, a June 2023 ICE list found that many countries not at war and even some with relatively normal diplomatic relations with the United States were among those most likely to refuse to take back their own people. Among them are Bhutan, Pakistan, Samoa, Ethiopia, China, Laos, Cambodia, Lebanon, and Somalia. Cuba and Iran appeared on the list as well, though it can be noted neither has official diplomatic relations with the U.S.

Several other countries were listed as “at risk of noncompliance,” including India, Vietnam, South Sudan, Jamaica, and Bosnia-Herzegovina.

Third Country Deportations Are the Only Answer.

The Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) allows the government to deport illegals to third countries when sending them back to their actual country of origin is deemed “impracticable, inadvisable, or impossible.” The Trump administration has been able to set up a network of 35 different countries around the world to receive foreign nationals so far, with over 25,000 illegals sent to 29 countries already. In return, those countries have collectively received over $49 million in U.S. government funding.

Mexico has taken in the most illegals under these agreements, with roughly 20,000 or so non-citizens of Mexico being sent to the country between January 20, 2025, and August 15, 2026. Most of these deportations are said to be illegal from other Latin American countries like Cuba, Guatemala, Honduras, and Venezuela. The statistics show that the administration often uses third countries in the same region as the deportees’ home countries. The chance of a Salvadoran being deported to a country in Africa is low, but not zero, providing a significant deterrent against resisting deportation.

Allowing deportations to these third countries destroys any leverage over the United States that countries have by rejecting the deportation of their nationals. It also greatly reduces the incentives for migrants to obstruct their return by destroying their papers and otherwise refusing to help facilitate their removal, as the consequence can be deportation to somewhere like the Central African Republic rather than release into the United States.

The Lawfare Campaign Against Third Country Deportations.

While the recent SCOTUS victory allows the Trump Administration to resume deportations to third countries, the legal battle over the policy is not over. Leftist “human rights” groups continue to push for an end to the practice, often arguing that deportees have issues with language or culture in the countries they are deported to, or that they could potentially be sent to countries where they may face some sort of persecution.

The First Circuit previously upheld a lower court finding that the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) procedure for third country deportations did not provide adequate notice and opportunity to raise fear-based claims. The Trump administration argues that those requirements, which put the comfort of illegal aliens over public safety, impede lawful removals, and have caused flight cancellations and other logistical problems.

The Supreme Court has now allowed removals to continue temporarily and will consider statutory authority, due process, and the lower court’s jurisdiction over the matter in December.

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The annual cost of Britain rejoining the European Union is still being quoted, even by committed Eurosceptics, at around £25 billion. The budget arithmetic now coming out of Brussels suggests it would be far higher.

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The European Commission, the EU’s unelected executive body, has proposed a 2028–34 Multiannual Financial Framework worth 1.26 percent of EU gross national income (GNI). Britain’s latest GNI stands at £3.0 trillion (~$4.0 trillion). Apply the Commission’s own ratio to that figure, and the indicative gross burden is about £38 billion (~$50.3 billion) a year, or roughly £730 million (~$970 million) a week. That calculation sits upstream of receipts, the precise EU financing formula, and whatever terms an accession deal might eventually contain.

Significantly, a returning Britain would not receive the old rebate on its budget contributions secured by Margaret Thatcher as compensation for historic overpayment. This partial refund was negotiated in 1984, defended for decades, gradually eroded, and disappeared altogether with Britain’s withdrawal from the EU. Nothing in the bloc’s current budget proposals, and nothing in the politics of Brussels, suggests those terms would be restored.

Preferential accession arrangements on issues such as committing to eventually adopting the euro currency are equally unlikely.

For some reason I’m currently the most realistic source of information on the subject of Britain rejoining the EU.

Even the most ardent Eurosceptics are quoting a £25bn annual rejoining figure.

THAT IS NOT TRUE.

IT IS WAY HIGHER.

Let me explain.

Brussels has proposed a… pic.twitter.com/WCtNfcm8IQ

— Raheem J. Kassam (@RaheemKassam) October 2, 2026

The Numbers.

The figures that follow from the gross calculation, once the absence of a rebate is allowed for, are roughly:

— £40 billion a year
— £3.3 billion a month
— £770 million a week
— £110 million a day

An inflation adjustment between now and the start of the new budget period takes the annual cost to about £42 billion (~$55.6 billion)  by 2028. These are membership costs only, describing only the scale of the contribution Britain would be expected to make toward the EU budget, not the wider consequences of membership, which would require giving up independent trade deals and an additional share of Britain’s fishing stocks, among other concessions.

The weekly number is worth dwelling on because it is the unit the public already understands from the EU referendum campaign. £770 million a week is more than double the famous £350 million cost advertised by the Vote Leave campaign in 2016. EU grants, subsidies, or research funding might reduce the net figure, but they would not return it to the £25 billion range still being cited.

What the Membership Fee Leaves Out.

Rejoining the EU on ordinary terms would reimpose the bloc’s Free Movement migration regime on Britain. This carries immense and unpredictable fiscal, housing, and infrastructure costs that never appear in the GNI contribution. The National Pulse has separately modeled those migration effects; the budget’s cash cost is independent of them and must be met either way.

As mentioned above, reaccession would also require a commitment to eventual adoption of the euro. Britain would surrender its independent monetary policy and absorb the transition costs of a currency change. State aid rules would once again limit the support that governments can offer to national industries. Steel, energy, automotive production, and defense supply chains have all been treated as strategic priorities since 2020. EU competition law restricts that kind of support.

The Terms of the Argument.

The “rejoiner” case has so far been able to lean on lower estimates of potential British budget contributions,  and on the claim that Brexit’s opportunity costs exceed any subscription fee. The European Commission’s 1.26 percent proposal, applied to a £3 trillion GNI and stripped of the old rebate, changes the baseline. £40 billion a year, £770 million a week, and £110 million a day are the numbers that now have to be answered before the conversation moves on to borders, the currency, or industrial policy.

To put these figures in context, spending on Britain’s overcrowded prisons is only around £8.4 billion annually. Spending on the courts, which are also extremely overburdened, stands at £2.538 billion. Border Force funding stands at only around £730 million, and funding for the Immigration Enforcement directorate is somewhere around £470 million.

£40 billion a year as an annual subscription fee for EU membership is therefore an extremely high price to pay, especially considering Britain currently has a longstanding trade deficit with the EU and would be required to surrender sovereignty on issues ranging from immigration and international trade to state aid and fisheries alongside the fee.

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For over a quarter of a century, the political establishment and the corporate media have tried to convince the public, and themselves, that Nigel Farage is a temporary anomaly. Yet time and again, the undisputed godfather of Brexit and British populism has defied their expectations.

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Here are seven times Nigel Farage rewrote the rules of Western politics:

2009: Breaking the Two-Party Monopoly.

Before the 2009 European Parliament elections, the conventional wisdom dictated that third parties in the United Kingdom were relegated to perpetual protest status. Operating within a tightly controlled media environment, the UK Independence Party (UKIP) under Farage weaponized the European stage to bypass the Westminster gatekeepers.

Earning 13 Members of the European Parliament (MEPs), Farage achieved a historic first and pushed then-Prime Minister Gordon Brown’s governing Labour Party into a humiliating third place. It was a tremendous breakthrough; just two election cycles prior, UKIP secured just one percent of the national vote. It was the first structural crack in Britain’s century-old Labour-Conservative duopoly, proving that a disciplined populist message could break the establishment’s grip.

2014: The First Nationwide Victory for an Insurgent Party.

If 2009 proved the duopoly could be wounded, 2014 proved they could be beaten outright. Farage marched UKIP into the 2014 European Parliament elections and secured an outright nationwide victory, taking 24 seats and 27.5 percent of the vote.

This was an electoral earthquake. It marked the first time since December 1910 that a party other than Labour or the Conservatives had won the popular vote in a nationwide British election. Farage had taken a fringe independence movement and transformed it into the most potent electoral force in the country, completely upending the institutional calculus in London.

The 2014 By-Elections: Forcing Cameron’s Hand.

The Westminster commentariat insisted that Farage’s success was confined to Brussels and could never translate to the First Past the Post (FPTP) system used to elect national lawmakers to the House of Commons. Farage killed this myth by orchestrating high-profile defections to UKIP by Conservative Members of Parliament (MPs) Douglas Carswell and Mark Reckless.

In the subsequent Clacton and Rochester & Strood by-elections (special elections), Farage’s ground game delivered two devastating blows, securing UKIP’s first-ever parliamentary election victories. Terrified of a total collapse on his right flank as he led a fragile coalition government, Conservative Prime Minister David Cameron was panicked into formally promising the public a referendum on leaving the European Union in his 2015 election platform.

2016: Defeating the Globalists.

On June 23, 2016, Farage achieved his most impossible victory. The campaign to keep Britain inside the European Union deployed the full force of “Project Fear.” Farage faced down the entire British state apparatus, the leadership of every major political party, corporate boardrooms, the BBC, international banking cartels, and even the direct intervention from U.S. President Barack Obama.

Against all odds, the British public voted for Brexit. Farage’s decades-long crusade successfully severed Britain from the bureaucratic clutches of Brussels. Within hours, David Cameron resigned in disgrace, his political career permanently extinguished by the populist wave Farage had spent a lifetime building.

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2019: The Six-Week Resurrection That Saved Brexit.

By 2019, the Westminster “uniparty” had successfully gridlocked the Brexit implementation process, deliberately attempting to dilute and derail the 2016 mandate. Believing Farage was safely retired, Prime Minister Theresa May—who had voted to remain in the EU—assumed Farage, who had retired as UKIP leader after his referendum win, was now a spent force.

She was wrong. In an unprecedented display of political agility, Farage launched the Brexit Party from scratch. Within a staggering six-week window, he built a nationwide infrastructure that wiped the floor with the establishment parties in the 2019 European Parliament elections. The sheer force of this electoral execution shattered the legislative deadlock, forced the near-immediate resignation of Theresa May, and compelled the Conservative Party to finally deliver Brexit.

2024: Cracking the Westminster First-Past-the-Post Barrier.

For years, establishment media figures mocked Farage for failing to win a Westminster seat, relying on the structural biases of Britain’s national elections to keep him out. But in 2024, with the Brexit Party having been transformed into Reform UK, Farage mounted a high-velocity campaign that shattered the Westminster glass ceiling once and for all. In 2019, the Brexit Party had stood down in constituencies held by the Conservatives on a promise that they would “get Brexit done,” even though the Conservatives refused to reciprocate in Labour-held seats where the Brexit Party had the better chance of winning.

Farage was comfortably elected as the MP for Clacton, leading a disciplined vanguard of Reform MPs directly into the House of Commons. By establishing a permanent beachhead inside the palace walls, Farage proved that Reform was not just a pressure group, but could become a legitimate government-in-waiting. The Conservatives, who had delivered a half-measures Brexit and record-breaking immigration, hemorrhaged voters to Farage’s party and suffered their worst defeat in a century.

Post-2024: Toppling Starmer and Topping National Polls.

Following the 2024 elections, which saw Labour return to power on a low turnout after years of Conservative failure on Brexit and immigration, Reform first displaced the centuries-old Conservatives as Britain’s leading right-wing party and then began regularly topping national opinion polls, drawing massive support from both disillusioned working-class Labor voters and abandoned Conservatives.

The tipping point arrived during the English local elections in 2026, where Reform inflicted historic losses on the incumbent Labour Party. Suffering catastrophic losses in former industrial strongholds, the sheer scale of the Reform surge induced an immediate leadership crisis within Labour, ultimately toppling Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer from power. He was at least the third prime minister to be brought down by Farage; arguably the fourth, including Rishi Sunak in 2019.

The Future.

Farage about to take the stage. Don’t miss this. https://t.co/y5wBcRFN6T

— Raheem J. Kassam (@RaheemKassam) October 1, 2026

Institutional panic over the rise of Reform is palpable, and the establishment’s playbook is becoming increasingly transparent. According to data analyzed by The National Pulse using recent YouGov MRP figures, corporate-backed splinter parties—such as the Rupert Lowe-led, Elon Musk-backed “Restore Britain”—fail to win a single seat of their own in a general election, but threaten to split the right-leaning vote just enough to hand dozens of seats back to the left-leaning uniparty.

Yet history shows that artificial, top-down political experiments can rarely duplicate the organic success of movements like Farage’s. As Britain prepares for its next constitutional turning point, the data makes one thing clear: betting against Nigel Farage is a losing proposition.

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Image by Gage Skidmore.

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As the United States celebrates its semiquincentennial, popular memory naturally turns toward the triumphant moments in the Revolutionary War—moments like George Washington crossing the Delaware, the British surrender at Saratoga, and the decisive victory at Yorktown. Yet some of the greatest chapters in the story of America are not the Patriots’ victories, but the survival of their fragile experiment in the dark autumns of the late 1770s.

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Yesterday, for instance, was the anniversary of some of the lowest moments of the Revolution in 1776 and 1777, marked by crises of faith and governance. One saw Washington in despair, the other saw the physical eviction of the Continental Congress from its capital. Yet these low moments became the catalysts that forced a fractured alliance of thirteen colonies to organize their fledgling country under its very first constitution.

September 30, 1776: Washington Hits Rock Bottom.

By the final day of September 1776, General Washington was trapped in a nightmare. In the preceding weeks, the British had smashed the Continental Army at Long Island, seized Manhattan, and sent the Americans into a disorganized, demoralized retreat. Raw militia forces were panicking and fleeing the field at the mere sight of the redcoats. Supplies were virtually exhausted, and the army was on the verge of melting away as winter approached.

Pushed to his limits, Washington sat down on September 30, 1776, to write a deeply candid, private letter to his cousin, Mount Vernon estate manager Lund Washington. “In confidence I tell you that I was never in such an unhappy, divided state since I was born,” he wrote, confessing that he was “wearied to death all day with a variety of perplexing circumstances.” The Commander-in-Chief feared his reputation would be ruined by an army incapable of standing its ground, yet he knew he could not resign: “If I fall, I shall fall with a property that will give me no respectability… and yet, if I do not satisfy the public expectation, I must expect to be the scapegoat,” he said.

The general turned the remainder of his letter to providing meticulous instructions on how to repair the fireplaces and chimneys at Mount Vernon, an escape for a man who genuinely believed he might be facing the ruin of his cause.

September 30, 1777: The Continental Congress Is Exiled.

A year on, the crisis had reached through the military front lines and into the halls of government. Following a crushing victory at the Battle of Brandywine, the British Army under General William Howe successfully outmaneuvered Washington and marched into Philadelphia.

The capital had fallen. The delegates of the Continental Congress were forced to pack their legislative papers onto wagons and flee into the countryside in the dead of night. On September 30, after days of exhausting travel, the fugitive delegates crossed the Susquehanna River and reassembled in the small, frontier town of York, Pennsylvania. Gathering in the modest brick courthouse, they declared York the temporary capital of the United States. They were a government in exile, isolated and operating entirely on a handshake agreement between thirteen separate, sovereign states.

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The Articles of Confederation.

It was the sense of fragility created by this flight into exile, perhaps reinforced by the memory of Washington’s near-collapse a year prior, that altered the mindset of the delegates in York. For more than a year, Congress had bickered and stalled over how to formally bind the colonies together. Big states argued with small states over voting power; Northern merchants clashed with Southern planters over taxation and Western land claims.

But as the delegates looked around their cramped, temporary quarters in York, resolve hardened. They realized that a loose association of independent states could not survive a war against a global empire. They needed foreign alliances—specifically with France—and European powers would not sign treaties or lend millions to a rogue committee of politicians in hiding. They needed a legitimate, legally recognized government.

Spurred by the desperation of their situation, Congress threw themselves into the stalled draft of a national constitution. Working through the bitter cold of that autumn in York, the delegates compromised on state sovereignty, representation, and war powers.

Less than two months after arriving as fugitives, on November 15, 1777, the Congress officially adopted the Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union.

The Legacy of the Dark Autumn.

The Articles of Confederation were imperfect. To avoid creating a new tyranny like the British monarchy, the writers created a central government that was unable to levy taxes directly or easily enforce national laws. A decade later, it would be replaced by the current U.S. Constitution.

Nevertheless, the Articles were an enormous step forward out of the dark autumns of 1776 and 1777. They legally transformed a rebellious colonial alliance into a singular political entity recognized by international law. They provided the legal framework that kept the army funded, secured the French alliance, and guided the nation to victory at Yorktown.

The United States was not forged in a moment of easy triumph. It was hammered out in a drafty courthouse by fleeing politicians, under the protection of a Commander-in-Chief who was wearied to death, but refused to give up.

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President Donald J. Trump is making moves to tie congressional representation to the total number of citizens and legal immigrants living in each state, with illegal aliens discounted. New polling data reveals that a majority of Democrat voters are in favor of changing the current system.

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Under the current system, the number of seats in the House of Representatives for each state is determined by the state’s population, including not just citizens and legal immigrants, but also illegal aliens. Crucially, this gives extra seats to states with high concentrations of illegals and noncitizens, which are often centered in Democrat sanctuary cities.

A new Census Bureau proposal, released on September 10, seeks to radically change the existing structure by counting only citizens and lawful permanent residents when determining a state’s population for the purpose of congressional apportionment in the next census in 2030.

President Trump has been arguing for changes to the system since his first term, noting in 2020 that the current system essentially encourages and rewards states that allow violations of U.S. immigration law by counting illegal aliens in the census and increasing their power in Congress.

Under the 14th Amendment, congressional seats are detemined by the “whole number of persons in each State” but, the Trump administration has consistently argued that while in practice that has counted noncitizens and illegals, the amendment itself “does not specifically define which persons must be included for the purposes of apportionment and requires only that Representatives be apportioned according to what has long been understood to mean the ‘inhabitants’ of each State.”

Even Democrat Voters Support the Change. 

Polling released on September 30 by McLaughlin & Associates reveals that of 1,000 likely voters, 65 percent support President Trump’s proposed changes to the congressional apportionment base. The highest support, 80 percent, comes from Republicans, but even a majority of Democrats, 54 percent, agree with the changes.

The results of the polling also revealed that 75 percent of voters believe that those responding to the census should indicate whether or not they are citizens of the United States, a question that would make it much easier to allocate congressional seats under Trump’s proposed changes.

 Democrat Politicians Admit Counting Illegals Benefits Them.

Some Democrat politicians have been quite open and frank about how counting illegal aliens in their areas benefits them in the form of redistricting.

In 2021, Democratic New York Rep. Yvette Clarke made a case for resettling Haitian migrants in her district, saying, “I need more people in my district, but just for redistricting purposes,” during a meeting of the House Foreign Affairs Committee.

Democrat Yvette Clarke said the quiet part out loud. They want to flood our country with illegals just for redistricting. This is why they want open borders! pic.twitter.com/VxtRoe23Yw

— Heritage Action (@Heritage_Action) April 19, 2026

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How Trump’s Reform Could Affect the States.

Given that the changes will only be made to the 2030 census, Trump’s policy will have no immediate effect on Congress and will have no impact on the upcoming midterm elections in November. However, projections have been estimated by redistricting researcher Jonathan Cervas, who published an independent study suggesting that California, Illinois, and Texas would each lose a seat, while Michigan, Tennessee, and Wisconsin would each gain a seat.

Cervas states that overall, the policy would likely benefit Republicans, as the seats gained are in states that voted for President Trump in 2024, even though, because of its high population of illegal aliens, the Republican stronghold of Texas would lose a seat. California, projected to lose a seat according to Cervas’s projections, was already set to lose seats by 2030 due to population trends, with many leaving the state in recent years due to high taxes, housing costs, and a generally high cost of living.

A citizen-only policy, which goes beyond the Trump administration’s proposal to apportion seats based on citizens and legally resident foreigners, would have far different results, and give Republicans a far clearer advantage, according to projections from the American Redistricting Project.

Under a citizen-only counting system, blue states would lose the most seats, with California losing six seats instead of one, New York losing two, Illinois losing one, and New Jersey and Rhode Island each losing one. Florida and Texas would gain two seats, and Ohio, North Carolina, Tennessee, Georgia, Idaho, Utah, and Arizona would all gain a seat each.

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